People voted the Awami League to power with great expectations of change for the better and it cannot fail their expectation and must be accountable for its every action and decision
When asked about his reaction immediately after the landslide victory of the Awami League in the recent national election, Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, now the senior most minister in the cabinet of Sheikh Hasina, said he was a little 'worried'. A man of varied and vast experience and practical wisdom, Muhith Bhai (incidentally we were students in the English department of Dhaka University almost at the same time) knows that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. His fear was that a party which got overwhelming majority inflicting a crushing defeat to its opposition could not care less, might tend to be complacent and irresponsible. His worry was not entirely unfounded as events unfolding during the last 30 days of Awami League government have demonstratively proved.
Close on the heels of the election results there were sporadic incidents of post election violence by ruling party activists and workers against BNP adversaries The Home minister, much to media criticism, while explaining what was indefensible said that the post election violence in 2001 in the wake of the BNP's election victory was much worse and more extensive.
In the Upazila election there were allegations of interference and influence peddling by some ministers and ruling party MPs obstructing the conduct of free and fair elections. There were widespread incidents of rowdyism, ballot rigging, ballot box snatching, threats and manhandling of presiding and polling officers in some centres by Awami League party activists. The chief election commissioner, a man of character and integrity and beyond reproach, expressing shock and dismay said that people could not freely express their views and wishes. The election commission which was forced to cancel voting and withhold results of many Upazillas.has rescheduled voting in 6 Upazilas and 48 centres. Yet, the state minister of Home said that election was peaceful in 99 percent of the centres.
In a breach of Awami League manifesto which emphasized decentralization of administration by strengthening Upazilas, the government said the MPs will have offices in Upazila offices to coordinate work of Upazilla chairman and members who were very frustrated. The Upazila Parishad ordinance stipulates that Upazila parishad commission will monitor and supervise the work of Upazilla Parishads. Needless to say, for the ruling party MPs it is a matter of crucial importance of wielding financial authority and political influence in their constituencies.
The Chhatra League, the student front of the Awami League, predictably as a retaliatory measure against previous action of Chhatra Dal in 2001, was on a wild rampage in the campuses in the city, Rajshahi university and Chittagong university engaging in an epidemic of clashes with rival student groups in a bid to capture seats in student halls by ousting Chhatra Dal students. The government however issued a stern warning to Chhatra Dal, which is a pain in the neck of the government and must be held in leash and not allowed to go berserk.
There is panic and demoralisation in administration as almost everyday a raft of officers reportedly loyal to the ruling party are promoted as secretaries, additional and joint secretaries while others suspected to be loyal to BNP are dispatched as OSDs. The same politicisation is happening in matters of appointment of vice chancellors of universities. It is said the government is only following the practice of the previous BNP administration. But people expect a change from the government, a new political culture where talent, merit, efficiency and competence will be counted and valued.
Former prime minister Khaleda Zia was criticised for having a fat and flabby cabinet of 40 ministers and 4 advisers. People expected a departure from the previous practice but their expectation was belied when prime minister Sheikh Hasina formed a 38 member cabinet, including state ministers and 6 advisers with rank, perks and privileges of cabinet ministers. Many particularly find fault with appointment of advisers as unnecessary alternative centers of power at the expense of poor taxpayer's money. . People have bitter experience about the oligarchy of Haris Chowdhury, Falu and Saka Chowdhury as advisers in prime minister's office and Tareq Rahman in Hawa Bhaban often in conflict and working at cross purposes with the decisions of ministers. Gas, mineral resources, oil and port save committee has been very critical of the appointment of Taufiqe Ilahi chowdhury as energy adviser as they alleged that he was involved in corruption scandals of Magurchhara and NIko deal with multinationals. People question the propriety of appointment of an eye specialist as an adviser. Observers also talk about the government's amendment of rules of business empowering prime minister to appoint any number of advisers she deems necessary
The matter which is most talked about is what is seen as a breach of promise by the government to make the position of deputy speaker available to the opposition. The argument that the opposition did not nominate a candidate as deputy speaker and that a deputy speaker from the opposition can be taken after amending the constitution seems to be an afterthought and does not wash. The omission and commission is all the more glaring as no less a person than Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said at her first press conference that the deputy speaker will be taken from the opposition.
Last but not the least is the current impasse on seat arrangement for the opposition in the Jatiya Sangsad. Of course, the mischief was done unilaterally without consulting the ruling party by the former speaker Jamiruddin Sircar, who allotted 10 seats for the opposition in the front row on the left side of the Speaker. The present Speaker has allotted 4 seats proportionate to the number of opposition members in the Jatiya Sangsad. Now it has become a matter of face saving with neither the government nor the opposition willing to make concessions. Nonetheless only the strong can make concessions and the weak can only receive. The opposition bench and the treasury bench in the parliament should be well defined and clearly demarcated. Seating arrangement of two Jatiyo Party members, including a government minister, one member each from Workers Party, JSD, Samyabadi and LDP in the opposition bench is a strange and uncanny juxtaposition of the opposition and mohajote members as if treated as outsiders from the ruling party. However, the government will only show its magnanimity if it concedes to opposition demand for the sake of making parliament meaningful and effective. Jatiya Sangsad without the participation of opposition is dull, drab and cheerless, lacks excitement, challenge and seriousness of purpose and looks lack lustre.
These are apparently small deviations and indiscretions which should not be overlooked by the prime minister as they are registered adversely in the antenna and radar of public opinion and incrementally add up to damaging the reputation of the government. People rejected the BNP because it abused its power and ruled like an authoritarian despot with least care for accountability. People voted the Awami League to power with great expectations of change for the better and it cannot fail their expectation and must be accountable for its every action and decision. It deserves credit for bringing down the price of food and increasing the supply of fertilizer at an affordable price. Let us hope it will be able to show better account of its performance when it completes 100 days in office.
(Abdul Hannan is former press counsellor, Bangladesh UN mission in New York, and contributor to the Dhaka Courier) |